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Deficit monetisation: how government debt turns into money in the economy

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Automated material · TradeAlmanac editorial deskDraft prepared by a language model from our stored data; not reviewed by an editor.

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Deficit monetisation: how government debt turns into money in the economy — Macroeconomics

Deficit monetisation means covering the gap between budget spending and revenue with money created by the central bank, rather than with taxes or with savings borrowed from the private sector. The key distinction is not whether the government issues bonds, but who ultimately ends up holding them and where that holder's money came from. If a pension fund or a bank bought the paper with its own funding, money that already existed has simply been redistributed. If the paper was paid for, directly or through a chain of transactions, with liquidity freshly created by the central bank, the monetary base has grown and the deficit has been financed by money printing.

How borrowing differs from money creation

A budget gap can be closed from a limited set of sources: taxes, sales of assets and accumulated reserves, debt owed to private savers, and money creation. Each source takes resources from someone specific. A tax takes them openly. Market borrowing absorbs savings that would otherwise have gone into corporate bonds, loans and capital investment. This is the crowding-out effect, and the price paid for it is a higher interest rate for every other borrower. Money creation takes nothing in any visible way: the state gets goods and services today, and the bill arrives later and for everyone at once, through the debasement of money. Economists call this the inflation tax, and it is collected without any tax law.

The most convenient place to observe the source of financing is the government debt market: the OFZ segment and the bond market as a whole. The structure of placements, the mix of fixed-coupon and floating-rate paper, and the premium the Ministry of Finance is forced to offer over the secondary market all show how expensive the market route has become and how strong the temptation is to abandon it.

The Russian set-up: the direct route is closed

Article 22 of the Federal Law of 10 July 2002 "On the Central Bank of the Russian Federation (Bank of Russia)" prohibits the Bank of Russia from lending to the Government to finance the deficit and from buying government securities at their primary placement, unless the federal budget law expressly provides otherwise. This is not a statement of intent but an institutional barrier: its purpose is to ensure that a decision to print money cannot be taken quietly, as a routine matter. That would require a separate legislative exemption.

An additional safeguard is the fiscal rule together with the sovereign wealth fund. The rule skims off oil and gas revenue above a base price and puts it into a reserve, and in years of low prices it spends what has been accumulated. The economic logic is the same as that of the ban in Article 22: to break the link between the budget's current needs and the printing press, replacing it with a link to assets saved up earlier.

Indirect monetisation: when everything looks clean on paper

The ban on direct lending can be circumvented through a chain of transactions. A bank buys an issue at auction, then pledges the same paper to the central bank in a repo operation and receives liquidity, which it uses to bid at the next auction. Formally, no rule is broken: the central bank did not buy the paper at placement, it extended a secured loan to a bank. In substance, the monetary base has grown against government debt. The only way to tell such a scheme apart from normal liquidity management is persistence. A one-off operation smooths out cash-flow gaps, whereas a structure repeated from auction to auction, in which the same securities circulate between the Ministry of Finance, the banks and the regulator, is monetisation under another name.

What investors see

Monetisation shows up in asset prices earlier than in official statistics. The long end of the yield curve rises because holders of fixed-coupon bonds demand compensation for inflation risk, and the spread between floaters and fixed-coupon paper widens. Real bond yields are squeezed and can turn negative: the nominal coupon is paid in money that has already lost value. Equities offer partial and uneven protection. Companies able to pass rising costs on to customers come out ahead, while those whose revenue is regulated and those with a large share of foreign-currency liabilities lose out. Sectors are easy to compare on this basis in the equity market overview, and the flow of corporate decisions can be followed in the events calendar.

What to watch

There are only a few useful observable signs, but they are reliable. They are the share of Ministry of Finance auctions that are cancelled or scaled back; a shift in the structure of placements towards floating coupons, a sign that the market will not take on interest-rate risk for long; a gap between official inflation and inflation expectations; and the behaviour of the exchange rate when external conditions are unchanged. Macro news and official statements are collected in the news feed, and definitions of the terms that appear in such reports can be found in the glossary.

The main conclusion is prosaic: monetisation is rarely announced. It is recognised from a combination of indirect signs, and for a private investor it matters less to make the diagnosis than to understand in advance which part of the portfolio will survive it.

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Draft prepared by a language model from our stored data; not reviewed by an editor.

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